Self Piearcng Earrings

FEAR AND SHAME THE COVENANT AS A POSSIBILITY

Gehri Gonzalo Gamio

In Much of the dilemma we face in this second round - or Humala or Dynasty Fujimori - can be described in terms of a conflict between different arguments about possible futures for the country, but also a conflict between decisions passion, which are brought into play two emotions clearly based on thoughts, beliefs and judgments, two emotions most relevant to politics. On the one hand, the fear ; the other, the shame . There are other emotions at play, no doubt, but these are particularly emblematic in these circumstances. Indeed, we fear that Ollanta Humala is using to call an important group of professionals to improve their plan of government and form a government of consensus with the real purpose of winning elections and then ignore that team and return to his program "harder." Those fears have an important place in our political debate; from reasonable doubt that inspires in us the candidate, its history, its old ties with Venezuela. Mario Vargas Llosa has said the vote for Humala from the democratic forces can not be a blank check, that citizens must be willing to leave the public space to denounce any form of violation of democratic rules. We in the trance deciding vote in that direction - not without concern and discomfort (1) - must be willing to assume the responsibility that comes with this decision and take to the streets if negates the rule of law.

At the other extreme, the Fujimori regime and its dismal record regarding the violation of law, human rights and the various cases of corruption, we thrill of shame as dominant ethic. Clearly intuit - thanks to the facts, the grim recent history of Peru - which would allow you to start taking the reins of government political group in the management of which predated state coffers, concentrated the powers and established a system of control over the media, became the destruction of public ethics in a system and a way of life, a system was strengthened through patronage, purchase of consciousness and extortion. On all these events we have evidence, and the two leaders of this criminal device - Alberto Fujimori and Vladimiro Montesinos - has been convicted and imprisoned. There is no reason to say with certainty that the new candidate has departed Fujimori really this evil legacy. Their political environment and their spokesmen (Martha Chavez, Luz Salgado, Jorge Trelles etc.) from the quarries of the authoritarian regime of his father, she has repeated on numerous occasions that the government of Alberto Fujimori has been "the best in the history of Peru, and has spoken in favor of a pardon that favor. His recent efforts to distance themselves from parental government and ask for forgiveness are shown as apparent electoral strategies. Do not believe him. Finally, the Fujimori is revamping only minimally their senior political cadres (for example, with the addition of Rafael Rey on presidential plate, and know their views on issues of justice and human rights).

recently Jaime Bayly and Aldo Mariátegui have struggled to establish a boundary between the profile of Keiko Fujimori and his father. Seek to persuade us that his government would not be a continuation of the management of his father, that his candidacy would not be a "Trojan horse" of a mob which would attempt to return to power. However, as rightly argued Gustavo Faverón , the problem of Fuerza 2011 candidate is not their genetic heritage, but its political line . Bayly and Mariátegui would have us believe, among other things, that those who govern are only individuals, which is glaringly false. The "distinction" between Fujimori and Montesinos already sounded between twisted and laughable, in the strict case of the prisoner's daughter Diroes the distinction is strange and sudden, as she has based much of his campaign in the legacy of his father (starting with the last name). Any fair delimitation would take a completely different political environment, develop a program with a different orientation (for in issues of democratic institutions and human rights is a nullity ) and assume a take away clear, transparent and truly really timely - specifying mistakes and crimes, and noting the degree of responsibility of those involved in them - and not the last game of masks time, with terse statements and smiles for the cameras, having the added indulgence of journalists. The public will have to decide very soon what weighs more on his mind, the prospect somewhat opaque to maintain current economic model, or staring in a matter of national dignity, close the doors to those who in one way or another ruled the country and plunged into the gray swamp of authoritarianism and corruption.

(The image belongs to the famous artist Alonso Núñez figure, whom we thank for granting us permission to publish).

Updated: CCN Keiko and the case (JA Godoy).

Hernan Carlos Raffo Migoya: "confided that, although never admit it in an interview, the first thing his party Fuerza 2011 will come to power in this election is, of course! , release from prison the sentenced Alberto Fujimori, either way. " (04/05/2011).

Where are the "oaths" Keiko Fujimori?

(1) And not cancel the vote, which was my original impetus to such undesirable dilemma.

I Saw Kate From Kates Playground

(ALBERTO Adrianzén)

Adrianzén Alberto M.

A democracy is one capable of holding within it a plurality of positions, actors and interests. However, for this plurality serve to strengthen, stabilize and strengthen that democracy must have also the capacity for dialogue and compromise. Ramiro's famous aphorism that Prialé saying "talk is not to agree" can also be read as an expression of the enormous difficulty of reaching agreements and arrangements, as politics is not just talk.
Turning to our recent electoral process could be said that the above statement is evident in two important messages to the voters: a) the promise is fulfilled, ie that is agreed with the voters, and b) that politicians reach agreements. However, there is a section on the right, and here I include some media, which is said to talk, discuss or agree is an expression of traditional politics. Call this "cubileteo" or "negotiations under the table." Even claim that seek impunity or protection of politicians. These and other statements, in fact, are amusing because they are the same groups that have spent their lives "goblet" and negotiating themselves "under the table" to precisely exclude, not talk and do not agree among different sectors and / or different.
It's like saying democracy we practice only "we" "others" have the right to negotiate or compromise, leaving them to obey. That, simply put, has been a bit of our history. There is a group that only wants to send and has consistently refused to compromise with the "other." Today we face the possibility of finding a way to free us from this old problem. The idea of \u200b\u200bagreeing on a government program, such as Ollanta Humala has raised these days, between different social and political forces is that possibility. But it is also possible, as I said Valentín Paniagua in his first speech as president, to inaugurate a long democratic cycle. The cycle closing condition is that the authoritarian Fujimori opened the coup on April 5, 1992 and who now wish to perpetuate. An example is the recent rumors of an amnesty for the dictator Alberto Fujimori.
know that this is not easy. And while authoritarianism is not only expression to Fujimori we know that it is he who represents him politically. I recommend looking at the Facebook page, "Democratic Shame" so they can realize what is at stake. As an example of authoritarianism, which is both racist and to say, fascism-then transcribe some of these phrases: "Indian son of a bitch bastard asshole cholo" or "my eyes fill with tears I can not believe it ... no hope ... they are the worst election results I received ... sadly I tend to agree that we need a Pinochet, "or" APRA, Alan! This time I agree to do fraud. Please, "or this other sentence is a twitter" it is better to pay the fine to your employee to give one vote to Ollanta.
Even a recent interesting article by Nelson Núñez V. ("The debate between Parker and Tapia") that assumes the defense of Carlos Tapia, states: "A subject that was added during the night (referring to the controversy) was the appearance of a Facebook account where published the home address of Carlos Tapia, and several put things like "a patriot who was looking to send a bomb to Humala's party headquarters! Peru will be rewarded as a hero! "Or" a bloody terrorist recycling, as people accompanying Humala and many more. "
know that the road to an agreement between different is not easy. Not because it is paved with good intentions but rather because it is full of racism, authoritarianism, suspiciousness and people who just want to send.

( Taken Republic)

Cervical Mucus Before Period White Milky

WAYS AROUND THE 'FAITH' IN GOD'S ECLIPSE

Gonzalo Gamio Gehri

Santa Week is always an interesting time. A time of meditation. A time for reading and dialogue, if we consider that the national television films always exhibits the same period, and the Sermon on the traditional three hours - I usually hear every year - does not offer any new or insightful perspective on dialectical theology or even (perhaps pre-conciliar monologue with a little bit political and electoral much of the spirituality of Mel Gibson and no or Pagola Metz). All things considered the matter, this situation of "winter theological" - to use an expression of a very dear ecclesiological Franciscan - allows us to turn inwards, return to one's Gospel and other readings. The recent departure of our friend and teacher has given Vincent Santuca this holiday has a different key, which converge the sadness and hope.

Religion is an extraordinary form of discourse and practice that seeks to give life meaning and fulfillment. Expresses a kind of longing for transcendence that can not detract nothing more. That longing drinks from a variety of sources, the notable Christian thinker and mystic Simone Weil argued that he was built up spiritually with the Gospel reading, but also by reading the Greek classics (an idea that I share completely.) This desire is his test of authenticity in the confrontation with practice. In particular embodiment Christianity is or is not at all . It is an expression of faith and justice, and in its midst, one calls the other. Jesus of Nazareth preached a kingdom of love and forgiveness - which was noted in our midst - and accepted death on a cross in the name of the message. Who then hoisted the banner of a monolithic orthodoxy condemned him for heresy.

The significant Jewish philosopher Martin Buber has said that our age is marked by an "eclipse of God ', an experience of no significance for the presence of different images of self that obscure the possibility of a genuine encounter with divine. Recall that Buber believes that the relationship with God has the shape of the I-thou communication, early and concrete in the interpersonal encounter, the relationship between human beings of flesh and bone. Impossible not to think about the meal when you read this venerable teacher Vienna. The reasons for the eclipse, in contrast, comes from the imposition of the I-it (or I- this ), the relationship with an object or a (mere) concept. The objectification of human beings - for example, savage capitalism or the political totalitarianism of different stamp - or treatment of God or truth or representations as mere bodies, involve forms of spiritual eclipse.

Interestingly, because the eclipse is schematically identified with the "secularism" or religious skepticism, and denounce the theocon . There is a doctrinal problem can be resolved in terms of orthodoxy versus heterodoxy, eradicating heresy. Attitude is a fundamental issue, which involves "beliefs" strictly within the meaning of dispositions to act. In fact Buber notes that one of the most lethal and painful of the eclipse of God are the ways "religious" fundamentalism and fanaticism, which seeks God's face be covered with the mask of the will to power, when leadership becomes not an expression of service, but a sign of power and control over the conduct of others, when a human doctrine becomes identical to the Truth. This form of idolatry and hypocrisy replaces the love of dominion over the will the other, betrays the deep spirit of religion. Caring for the poor, the widow and the alien is replaced by the control over the consciences and bodies. This stance is at odds with the attitude of a God who is incarnate, born in a manger and died on the cross for love.

are issues to think calmly. In the Judeo-Christian religious tradition, truth can not be started without the horizon of interpersonal relationships, caring for the dignity and freedom of those who can and should tell you . When this happens, definitely something wrong.

Dillards Dance Dresses

DOUBTS AMONG AND EVIDENCE AND THE LIBERAL

Gonzalo Gamio Gehri

Steven Levitsky's phrase about the terrible dilemma of second round has hit the nail. About Humala have doubts about Keiko, tests. Martha Chavez's statements on threats sliding César San Martín and the noting that the families of the victims of Cantuta virtually no would complain about (as well as allusions unacceptable Keiko Fujimori corrupt regime of his father as the "best of history, "he responded well Caretas magazine in an editorial entitled" Until just here) clearly show that Fujimori not only has not changed is willing to make some self-criticism, but remains cynical and authoritarian attitude against human rights and autonomy of powers. In the absence of conditions and trajectory for the candidate of Force 2011, would have to fear that the lines of the state administration will decide in the Diroes (Or perhaps Naval Base?). What is surprising is that much of our political class and leadership private enterprise and the media are willing to look the other way deal with this situation. They fear more doubts than certainties. Many people in these sectors would be willing to sacrifice of national dignity willingly giving the state the top mafia once it looted in the name of the alleged perspective of "economic stability." Stability should be put into question since the Fujimori regime did not scruple to interfere with the lifetime of the companies, for example, by stripping of Peruvian nationality Ivcher and snatch a place in Frecuencia Latina, or SUNAT used for purposes of political control. The defense market orthodoxy would weigh more - in the eyes of potential voters Fujimori - that the principles of public ethics and respect for fundamental rights.

The dismissal of two journalists from Canal N to enable the editorial line of this medium to support the return of Fujimori (in convergence with the conservative view has been gradually imposed the new administration Trade ) goes in this direction. IPYS and has spoken negatively about this decision violates the freedom of journalistic work. This is a shame, especially if we remember the important commitment made by the Canal N to the defense of democracy as it was the first medium to meet the citizen marches against the authoritarian regime of the pair Fujimori - Montesinos and post the video Kouri - Montesinos.

Statements of Mario Vargas Llosa about his decision to vote for Ollanta Humala has generated harsh and strange reactions. His daughter Morgan has reported being the victim of threats ("Coming from what political sector? The same group, perhaps, who attacked the memorial The crying eye?). Vargas Llosa has received countless subtle little criticism from politicians, businessmen and journalists increasingly coming to Fujimori, as Jose Barba Caballero, Julio Favre or Aldo Mariátegui. The latest to join this choir is Juan Luis Cipriani (not surprising when we remember their former sympathies Fujimori). For his part, Delgado Aparicio deplorable has written an article, full of bad intentions and qualifications against the person of Vargas Llosa. Trelles, beating and relatively more cautious, have been accused of intolerance writer, curiously, the new spokesman for Fujimori has stated in an interview that the eventual victory of Humala would seriously endanger the freedom of press and expression, when the rate of Fujimori bought consciences and editorial lines of different media, and pursued independent journalism, as has been demonstrated, the interviewer's reply was sung, but Raul Vargas said nothing.

The Fujimori bet because people do not report on what we live for some years. That we forget crimes against life and the common good, that we forget many dark paths. invite us to disregard the facts. Or that we are completely complacent with past evil and degrading civic. Some even evoke the past in a notoriously crooked: see a recent really unusual Federico Prieto Celi article in fa vor of the candidate puts Fujimori where highly controversial figures as Carlos Bologna, Jorge Camet and Juan Carlos Hurtado Miller as a kind of model of "democratic modernization." of Ripley.

crimes committed since fujimorato and are thoroughly documented. Alberto Fujimori was convicted of murder and his sentence has been ratified. The environment of the candidacy of his daughter is the same that surrounded those in power in the nineties can we close our eyes to that reality? Can we put in parentheses the principles and values \u200b\u200bthat this regime trampled on behalf of a hypothetical ' effectiveness' in the future management of the economy? These are questions that we should avoid making when we meditate on how to vote.

Updated : Article Fujimori and sewer dweller (The Mule).

Update 2: A cardinal is very orange (Augusto Alvarez Rodrich).

,

How Likely Is It To Get Hpv On Your Lip

MVLL (JUAN DE LA PUENTE)

Juan de la Puente

Mario Vargas Llosa

has deconstructed the electoral dilemma vs AIDS. cancer who coined to symbolize the political center which sank on 10 April. What makes it perhaps because it was always assumed a figure of evil irreversible idea that a libertarian as he rejects a false dilemma paralyzing political action. Replaced it with another dilemma, resolvable, ethical and earth, between an absolute evil, dictatorship, and poor on the other hand full of suspicion and temptations, including the authoritarian drift.

MVLL put in trouble the second time in 20 years, that political and business elite who sailed the decade of democracy with the liberal banner. With it they were very easy to support Toledo against Garcia in 2001 against Humala and Garcia 2006. However, in this election, with sharper ideological choices were using the same emblem for opting against Humala in the name of freedom. Vargas Llosa has cut off the route.

MVLL
's reference to Sartre in his speech in Buenos Aires is not free. In Sartre, man is conscious of his freedom as a value in itself and not granted. In relation to this not in vain the French distinguished the anguish of fear for him, and paralyzing fear is individual, whereas anxiety is creative, collective and forced to choose.

It appears that as 20 years ago these elites will abandon their liberalism Vargas Llosa and inappropriate, perhaps because they are less liberal than they thought or because they were always, with exceptions, the Peruvian right conservative, and generally patrimonial mercantilist, who enjoys economic freedom but political freedom neglects or ruthlessly slaughtered.

As 20 years ago, lost the opportunity to generate a proper motion emancipated from economic power, located in society and not just the managers. At that time, a small liberal group was worth the side of freedom and MVLL while most enlisted in the authoritarian and anti-politics. Some castaways reliberalizaron that generation, but the rest continued their journey.

Now MVLL with ethical liberalism, the liberalism can only triggers a new diaspora. It is sad that, just as it is strange that the decade democratic parties, but did not produce anti-party, our strong market produces so few liberals.

Taken Republic

Updated:

Here a note of José Alejandro Godoy surprise layoffs on Canal N and the shift of Trade group to the Fujimori.

What Does Watery Cervical Mucus Mean

Church and State: AROUND THE ETHICAL FOUNDATIONS OF SEPARATION *

Gonzalo Gamio Gehri

The separation between religious institutions and state is one of the most important achievements of liberal culture, a principle that has been placed correctly in the political ideology of democracy. The policy expresses philosophical formulation of this thesis XVII century and responds to the tragic historical experience of religious wars in Europe. John Locke stated clearly that the state will correspond to protect the freedoms and rights of citizens, but in any case ensure the correct religious people: if God exists, if one person or many, is a matter that concerns the believer's faith and his thinking skills, and interests the individual himself or organizations in which the individual has chosen to participate. No one can force human beings to save their souls is a matter of conscience and personal freedom.

Since then it is considered that the state should guarantee religious tolerance and the right of everyone to believe or not believe in a free society, open to all faiths, and willing to provide spaces for dialogue and debate about the source of meaning in life (in a key religious and secular). It thus seeks to eradicate religious persecution - so common in premodern communities - where they are supposed to be a responsible leader should ensure the salvation of the souls of his subjects. institutions as the Inquisition unfortunate or dire measures such as removal of idolatry were permanently disabled. Over time, the liberal state itself was designed to "neutral" in religious matters - or rather, committed to ethical pluralism and respect for religious diversity - so that no position for or Contrary to some belief, provided it operates within the framework of respect for the law. In this perspective, in a liberal democratic society and there is no "official religion." Declaring a commitment, sympathy particular or special relationship with any religion would carry an unacceptable discrimination between citizens, that no exceptions should be treated as free and equal.

Separation Church / State seeks to prevent the politicization of faith as much as the sacralization of politics, and its pernicious effects on the public sphere. It is an expression of respect for the unique power of people to discern discuss and choose their beliefs and life plans. Sometimes the religious right have suggested that measures such as these contribute to undermine the "sense of transcendence 'between people and promote a kind of" spiritual retreat. " Slip the idea that this kind of position you have to minimize the place of religion in people's lives. Quite the contrary. Liberal separation recognizes the great value of religion for many people, so it proposes that citizens should have a space of freedom to discuss that value, reflect on what you assign meaning to life, and cultivar (if so choose) genuine faith practices. State coercion only severely damage the reflection and arbitrarily impose a single catalog of beliefs.

hold that space of faith is beyond the scope of influence of the state is not "privatization of faith." It is essential that people find places that can be rigorously and honestly discuss the points of divergence and where different faiths in an atmosphere of tolerance and open dialogue to other reasons. These social settings are available in their own religious communities and institutions of civil society. University, for example, is an important space for meditation on the academic value of interreligious dialogue, prevention of fanaticism and the role of multiple confessions in the foundation of a "global ethic" to use the felicitous phrase of Hans Küng. Argue that these places are off-state is not to advocate a kind of atomization of faith.

In Peru, the path towards the affirmation of a culture of separation between Church and State is still long. For example, the existence of a Concordat with the Holy See which states that public schools be taught a course in Catholic catechesis is inconsistent with what we are saying. In a truly secular state, such a course does not exist in public schools, religious education because it is the responsibility of families and parishes. Or, if it exists, it is a course in the history of religions (a course on the 'fact' religious), not a subject of an apologetic. Consolidate the separation in our country - for the sake of politics and for the sake of religion - democracy is a task that should be taken seriously.

* A corrected version of this brief text will be published in the journal Exchange.

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CHARLES TAYLOR: VARIETIES OF RELIGION TODAY / NOTES OF EVIL RETAIL

Gonzalo Gamio Gehri

Taylor, Charles Varieties of religion today Cambridge, Polity Press 2004.

The present book is a revision of the work of William James in philosophy of religion (particularly The Varieties of Religious Experience and The Will to Believe) to light contemporary critical thinking. Our author intends to discuss the validity of James's approach to religious reflection. Suggests that this is a work that has aged little.

The cornerstone of religion according to James is living experience, feverish, the believer. Does not refer to the ordinary life of the religious community, considering that the transmission of faith is lost the strength of the original experience. Focuses attention on the individual experience of touch with what is considered divine. Philosophical or theological reflection come later (they are 'second act'). Usually mystical spirituality is considered heretical, "orthodoxy" tend "to stifle the religious spirit." James seeks to distinguish between religious feeling and emphasis on dogma and doctrinal correctness.

The purpose of the investigation of James is "twice born." In contrast to the "born again" - who believe that everything is on the right track and that God is on their side - The religious spirit is associated with the provision of "sick souls", which clearly perceive "pain, misery, evil and suffering in the world." These souls are aware of their captivity. The American philosopher distinguishes three types of religious disease:

- Religious melancholy, for which the world reveals strange, meaningless.

- The melancholy based on fear, for which the world appears perverse, so desperate believer against the approach of evil.

- The acute awareness of one's sins, based on understanding of human nature as basically sinful.

These states of soul than from the "second birth", birth in faith. An experience of liberation from the intervention of Grace , which produces in the believer an attitude of confidence in salvation, "or the triumph of Good." With these new eyes, the world is more beautiful and real. This experience is often found in Protestant spirituality. Postmodern culture, in contrast, seems to assert itself on the experience of the disappearance of the security sense. In many cases, conservative theology seeks to challenge the withdrawal of sense.

James was aware of the problem of the admissibility of the faith. One line of research scientistic religious spirituality rejects under has not backed by scientific certainty. The author believes that the conflict scientism / religious belief is a passion conflicting decisions, involving fear of failure and faith. Suspend the trial is now eligible in this dilemma. James claims the right to believe. Taylor links this issue with Pascal's famous wager.

Taylor addresses the problem of secularization from the horizon of modern referral - in relation to personal and institutional life - regular time, in contrast to the continuous references of religiosity and pre-modern politics "time top" as a source of meaning. It evokes the idea of \u200b\u200bsociety, its institutions and the system of rights as the result of "divine design" in the ordinary world (USA, 1776).

Taylor In the last part examines ways of understanding the link entity Church, society and personal life. It relies on Durkheim's thesis according to which churches help to define the sacred in society.

Taylor distinguishes three models derived from this thesis:

- Paleodurkheimiano: refers to the "dependency ontic "state and institucionesrespecto of God and the" time top.

- Neodurkheimiano: appeals to the Deist idea of \u200b\u200b"divine design".

- Postdurkheimiano: proridad of our individual experience.'s with spiritual is increasingly disconnected from our relationship with political society.

Even if the Church continues to support from quarries postdurkheimianas, according to Taylor, this support does not override the priority of individual freedom when confronted with doctrine (eg, on sexual ethics or social justice issues).

Things That People Wear In The 50s And 60s

READING (Jorge Secada K.)

J orge Secada K.

Again, many of us face a difficult electoral deliberation, much more difficult this time than face five years ago. The decision is difficult because so much is at stake, because both options will cause rejection, and it is not easy to know which one is worse. I propose that we reflect together on our problem.

Let's start with some general considerations. Our dilemma arises because it is inevitable that one or other of the two evils. It is important to pause here a moment and ask, why is it inevitable? Clearly, some might say, as in the second round we have to choose to Keiko and what she represents, or what he Humala and promises. But that alone is not inevitable that one or another come to the palace. It is only because we accept our democratic political system and the rules established our constitution, we face this dilemma. This, as we shall see, is significant.

accept our democracy to the point that we consider this outcome inevitable, for us, disastrous. That is, we do not consider acceptable alternatives, for example, for plotting a coup there and call new elections. But what would in similar circumstances, they consider exceptional circumstances such as these for us, the two candidates from whom we choose? It is not an abstract or purely hypothetical question: we constantly hear that this or that force majeure or act of illegality from power was justified because those were different and exceptional circumstances. And we at least we we deliberate how to decide in this terrible dilemma which is the lesser evil, we know that the problem with that answer is just that when we started talking about special circumstances, and even more so if we get in power, we are choosing a path politically perverse. We are entitled to our beliefs and believe in what we believe, if we believe, with absolute firmness. But we have no right to impose it on anyone. Political life only supports one way of being, a just and morally only way possible: tolerance, conversation, and the most scrupulous respect for the laws and constitution. Almost always the story of extraordinary circumstances is merely a rationalization of the authoritarian and enlightened to do whatever they want.

Now, faced with two evils might be the right thing is to avoid choosing between them. There are elections in which right would vote blank. Could be that either alternative is so bad that no matter what comes out. Surely those who think this way in the present circumstances an option described as AIDS and the other as cancer. If those are our options as may be appropriate to let the dice decide. White vote is not kicking the board, as they say. Blank vote is also not vote for the winner. There is a major difference. If you vote for one of the two and he is elected, I was part of those who elected him, but blank vote, what I did was to let others choose. Blank vote says something, and these choices may say a lot. Not only matter what will happen, also matters how it happens. In terms of what they say the vote would be different you have 10% of white voters to be 40%. If any, with those white votes he would be saying to whoever is elected does not have our confidence. For those who believe in democracy, that difference is important. But I'm not sure that we are in a situation in which what we should do is vote blank. Although do not rule, I tend to think we are not face such a dilemma. I hope the next few weeks let me see more clearly if this is true or not.

Why vote for Keiko Fujimori? The answer I hear repeatedly is that she would continue the economic policies of the past two decades, which, while different circumstances, will not rule out corruption and authoritarianism that ruled his father, and although this is likely to forgive and time also to some other of its employees currently in prison, that would not make a greater impact. Let me be clear that these arguments do not convince me.

Many of us remember what was the economic disaster of the late 80's, and we know what is a story of economic stagnation, lack of real growth and organic, from a chronic inability to accumulate capital. We do not want that. I proudly c or mo in recent years, little by little, Peruvian products have been appearing in supermarkets in the U.S.. Now it is not surprising in any supermarket to buy overseas evaporated milk, instant chocolate cup, fish fillets, pickles Mediterranean roasted piquillo peppers, all top quality Peruvian products. The economy Peruvian exemplary grows and grows. Has cost at this point. We do not want to come some confusion in exchange for "model" or "economic system." The market economy, promoting the management of entrepreneurs, encouraging large capital investment and facilitating private generation of wealth and jobs, is the only way we know to create economic wealth, here and in China. And know perfectly well that the lack of administrative and fiscal irresponsibility end up wasting any effort, and may take years of hunger and suffering.

Two-thirds of voters have voted for candidates who have not spoken of changing economic model or system. And we see that Ollanta Humala has ended up calling to Brazil and Lula, that is, appealing to economic policies that are none other than the market economy. But there have been an almost total consensus that the main problem we face is poverty, misery and inequality that affects a third of Peruvians. This election has made it clear that the majority of Peruvians do not want to leave the growth and the market economy that has made possible, but neither wants to stop extreme needs too large sectors of the population.

So, for me the central theme in our discussion is not economic policy. More than two thirds of the incoming Congress is not willing to change economic policy and not allow the government did try. Garcia could not nationalize the banks in the late 80's, and Humala could at least do it now. Recall that Humala will have a clear minority in Congress, and that the minority shall be final if you attempt to fundamentally alter the economic or the democratic system. We will have to discuss how to attend to the most needy: yes, maintaining growth and employment generation, just more investment in health, education and security, or whether we should consider other redistributive policies. And that discussion will have to go through the Congress that we, plural and diverse. Like it or not, Congress is the place where the next government will have to talk and discuss and agree how to address the pressing needs of many Peruvians.

For me the central theme in our discussion is how to ensure that democratic exercise, how to defend our democracy. And why not vote for Fujimori. For years and campaigning for months she and her companions had the opportunity to clarify his position before the country on the legitimate exercise of power and democracy. Furthermore, had the peculiar obligation to do so because they are heirs or they were participants in a government elected for five years came and was eleven, and ruled lying, manipulating, corrupting and bribing. Instead of delimiting without hesitation, what they did and do is constantly invoke the special circumstances where we were and as they justified what they did. Faced with his past the only attitude possible is morally and politically the unqualified rejection. But "Fujimori" not only never apologized to the country by Vladimiro Montesinos have made it part of our history, they have repeatedly shown what they think, that democracy is tolerated if it works and decide whether it works or not them.

With Humala Congress will protect democracy, but I'm sure that Fujimori will serve rather to undermine and destroy what little confidence they have placed in our political institutions. The incoming Congress Humala curb any attempt to change the rules, subverting the market economy or limit political freedoms. But this same conference, with Fujimori in the palace, meet the arduous role as a tool for authoritarian abuse and "pragmatic" of power.

Let's be clear: the issue is not that Keiko would or could now repeat the dish we served his father. The issue rather is the main thing for the development of our country, the first thing to do if we want a free, integrated, economically developed and without poverty is to ensure our political institutions, creating between us absolute confidence in dialogue and conversation as the only fair way to govern. That, precisely, is what Fujimori did not give us and that is the ultimate reason why, having voted in the first round by PPK, no way I will not vote for her.

I do not know if I will vote for Ollanta Humala. Perhaps they'll do if I think I could defeat Fujimori. Although it is not heir to a Oncenio of autocracy, Humala has given repeated samples of not understanding fully what is democracy, as when he supported the coup attempt of his brother, and declared his admiration for those who have changed their laws to extend step for power. Because I fear that has not been able to demonstrate beyond doubt that kidnapped and tortured when he was high on my Mother. I feel disgusted to hear people close to him speak of the superiority of the "brown race" and no express view expressing disgust who knows what racism is. And I'm also afraid that his disability and his messianic tendencies ride to bad government, irresponsible and stupid. Yes, indeed, are still flaws and inconsistencies disturb their personal and political.

From what I have no fear is that if Humala is elected president, our country and our bodies are so fragile that he can entornillarse in the presidential chair, silence the press, and impose an authoritarian state. Our armed forces are not going to give a blow to encourage anyone who has adopted the Report of the Commission of Truth and Reconciliation Commission, and will not deliver a blow to enter the palace one left until recently openly Marxist. It is virtually impossible for the next five years our armed forces want to strike to change the state's economic policies, or to cut our freedoms and our democracy. I hope that no one can manipulate those fears. But I have little doubt that by honoring its history and demonstrating its expertise in managing public opinion advantage of the Fujimori try to do so.

Nothing makes me doubt Humala, however, has the strength that is undeniable and ugly history, assumed "very honored" by Keiko Fujimori. If we want a country with a future, a country which we can feel completely proud if we want an integrated, developing country, we must say "no", a "no" and decided, who usurped power and decency we were robbed and dignity. So I have certainly not vote for Fujimori. Still do not know for sure how I will vote, but whatever I do I will trust in our democracy and hoping that those who govern us do it legally and constitutionally bound to dialogue with the opposition over how to address the needs of the majority, for five years and not a moment longer. I do not know if I will vote for Humala or rather tell them both with my vote, "I believe in my country, but do not believe either of you."

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Gonzalo Gamio Gehri

far as can be seen, the second round will consist of what he described as an insane dilemma: u Ollanta Humala and Keiko Fujimori, poor choices in democracy. Unfortunately, applications closer to a liberal and progressive political alternative were unable to build a broader proposal that could avert the dangerous situation that has materialized over today. The desire for ownership of some candidates, the infiltration of tables ultraconservative in some lists as well as the presence Alan Garcia has consistently in this campaign have finished configuring this disturbing political scene. It's time to discern - sadly, once again - the lesser evil. As in the ancient tragedies.

I'm not washing my hands and engage in what I called once Narciso ethics and politics of evasion. I will not vitiate my vote, I will not avoid this heartbreaking dilemma. As things stand, this time I will vote for Ollanta Humala. With regret, of course. I will not be for nothing "neutral" in the civic battle that comes, I'm sorry, but it will. Wait, of course, to see which establishes partnerships and what steps you take on the path of the second round. Some people believe that the environment surrounding Earn Peru - as Alberto Adranzén, Silesio López and Javier Diez Canseco - has a pretty solid democratic credentials, in contrast to more disembodied exponents of conservative authoritarianism as Martha Chavez and Luz Salgado. Fujimori recognize the greater evil, a choice that I find morally unacceptable. I lived in Peru in the nineties and I will not repeat the experience. The Fujimori means - in the light of history - the unpunished violation of human rights, amnesty law, the purchase proven media and consciousness, the failure of democratic legality, the degradation of politics and the word blatant concentration of power, corruption and patronage, forced sterilizations, the lowering of the population through the gift and bribery, good friends with drug trafficking, persecution of the press and opposition politicians, the desire reelection. Those times can not return. Alberto Fujimori was convicted of murder, is a terrible message to the civilized world that her daughter (no more "merit" than their DNA) is tempting the presidency of the country.

People of my generation remember the enormous effort made to defeat us peacefully to a corrupt and authoritarian regime who spent a decade considered the "perfect dictatorship" by resorting to blackmail, political persecution and tecnocumbia. We remember the protests, washing the flag, the signatures for the referendum, the March of the Four. The beat in the realm of ideas and in the streets. And do it again if necessary. The times required. Before our eyes, Fujimori can not wash your face. Here we are. We will attempt - with the weapons given democracy - so that in the second round to stay on the road.

Updated: a very good article on the subject . Gustavo

Faverón on this topic.

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TRAGIC DILEMMA IN THE EVE OF THE ELECTIONS

Gonzalo Gamio Gehri

And we got to the finish line. Tomorrow we elect the next President of the Republic and members of the next Congress. Not be made public polls, although some of them (not entirely reliable) circulating on the Internet. Some applications have been deflated - Castañeda has spent the past few weeks fighting with himself, and has finally destroyed - others have been consolidated, although the antibodies generated: Humala has come to a disturbing first. Many citizens are concerned about the (still hypothetical) prospect of an unhealthy runoff between Ollanta Humala and Keiko Fujimori. None of these options to strengthen constitutional democracy. On the contrary.

Ollanta Humala is the dissatisfaction of many people against the apparent inability of the economic system to solve the problem of inequality and poverty prevailing in the country. The return of democracy has not translated in a greater state presence in the Andean and Amazonian communities that were affected by terrorist violence and repression during the armed conflict. However, their attempts to assume a more moderate discourse does not entirely hide a sermon close to authoritarianism, which does not hide a certain hostility toward the media. About the future of basic freedoms if this candidate - who systematically avoids rate the Chavez regime, whose influence was noticeable on nationalists in the previous season - finally comes to power. Despite the presence of some old leftist activists in the movement, Humala seems to insist on this dangerous combination of "nationalism" and "populism" (It is not difficult to realize how dangerous it is!).

Keiko Fujimori's alternative is more unhealthy to me yet. She is a corrupt and criminal past, where human rights violations, buying media and state capture were common. The rottenness of the government of Fujimori and Montesinos is well documented, and try to improvise a demarcation between the two partners is an unacceptable insult to the intelligence of Peruvians. An independent tribunal has already sentenced for murder Alberto Fujimori, the daughter, meanwhile, has had a poor parliamentary activity - has missed five hundred times your job, legislative production is virtually nil - and not even known any career path As {i wants to occupy the presidency? His government would return the worst of Peruvian politics in the public arena. As noted by a good friend, would reach the height of public policies are dictated from the Diroes well as kidnappings and other crimes are planned from prison.

Toledo I will vote tomorrow, thinking about the catastrophe that would prevent the dilemma that second round of nightmare, as no doubt his democratic credentials. I do not like the alternative of PPK, whose main purpose seems to be to undermine the candidacy of Toledo. I do not like their joints - particularly Acuña - nor its educational program that involves, to cite just one example, dismantling student representation in universities ( see p. 35 of its agenda ). That's a nameless barbarism undermines democracy in the university. The controversial issue of the nationality of the candidate concerned me, it could lead to an unacceptable conflict of interest in the case of relations with the United States. In the parliamentary list strange alliance also includes not a few examples of a stale conservatism and militarism and covert Fujimori. Hopefully PPK is not remembered in the future as the candidate whose stubbornness led to a runoff between explicitly authoritarian leaders. I agree with Vargas Llosa in a more democratic sensibilities would have advised him to resign.

an encouraging hope for tomorrow, for the sake of the future of democracy in our midst. And, if necessary, fingers crossed.

Red Blood Vessel One Eye

Gonzalo Gamio Gehri

I just learned that my good friend Vicente Santuca - Jesuit priest and one of the framers of the University Antonio Ruiz de Montoya - has died. The pain of the loss of so valuable a person is really deep. I have known Vincent since the mid- 1996 when, aged 25, went to teach at the then School Antonio Ruiz de Montoya, assuming the Seminar contemporary authors (communitarians) . Vicente was a master of words deep, sharp intellect and an ability to articulate the philosophical concepts and experiences of everyday life. It was also a priest who had the deep conviction that the Christian commitment should combine faith with the rational pursuit of truth and with the option for the weak. Love of Peru - where he lived for 43 years - was a connoisseur of Amazon and the north (he was one of the founders CIPCA). He would have liked to end his life in our country, but death overtook him in Paris, a city that had been set to begin a sabbatical year of research. Vicente

met in different facets of academic life and priesthood. Rector, philosopher, pastor, retreat director, counselor. He was also the celebrant of baptism of my son Iñigo. In 1999 we published together - and Francis Chamberlain - Democracy, civil society and solidarity , a collection of essays on political philosophy. However, beyond all their academic qualities, was a great friend. We talked often reserved at least an hour to chat despite his busy schedule. He had a hearty laugh, contagious. And an endless hope in the goodness of the human heart that only spirits are really young. I was privileged to have him as a player and partner of my essays, for about thirteen years. I sent my text, and always interesting comments and criticisms received invaluable. Similarly, I assigned the reading of his essays, and frequently talked about them. I knew the manuscripts that shaped Ethics and Politics: What happens to us? , The mole in his labyrinth and his most recent book, Anthropology existential. The theme of the phenomenology of corporeality and language were the philosophical heart of his proposal.

The second stage of my journey in Christianity owe it to Vincent, his direction of Exercises of St. Ignatius back in 1999. Thanks to his teaching, I realized that faith and freedom can stay together without sacrificing the autonomy and critical thinking. His anxiety to return to the "Principle and Foundation", the sense of creature and the perception of the Gratuity marked his experience of Christianity has decisively influenced the perspective of his friends and colleagues. That belief is - and in key concept - the horizon of his own existential anthropology. Faith is not an epistemic concept or a religious doctrine but confidence in the action of love in life.

Still I have a lump in my throat. A dear friend has left us. However, I repeat the words of Vincent as he reflected on the departure of other mutual friends: Thanks for the gift of life, celebrate those who shared with us.

Thank you dear friend.

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Ahhh, those chairs ... My father


back to the antique.

Some time ago my husband came to visit her a sort of flea market, dedicated to the furniture.

Among

horrible objects, jewelry rested cabinetry, tables, chairs and the best styles of the noblest oaks. Large mirrors in which you ever watched a lady wearing gloves, umbrella and bustle.

short: in the great bazaar was a question of looking.

And just in one sector of the most lackluster, a patio garden furniture crowded, I saw some metal chairs painted green that seemed to call me.

I stood beside them, fascinated.

My husband, who was hurt in the pocket these charms mine, anticipated

- I will not buy things they then have to spend twice the cost in restoring them.

- is that these chairs are of the Bauhaus, rooted ... They are beautiful ....-

- not to get out of the hands of Da Vinci, are marred by paint that

coated .-

I walked away from them, but not for long. Over and over again, and my "dear husband", not to deny his manhood with me protesting.

- already have furniture. Those seats looks old.

not understand As rightly it, which has an exquisite taste for decoration, he saw the jewel underneath that creepy painting.

- These chairs are famous .- It stressed me, trying to remember the name, knew they were iconic.

As my memory was reluctant, I went to the vendor, the woman did not have the faintest idea of \u200b\u200bwhat it offered. We asked 1200 pesos for the chairs that went with a table. If at any time, passed through the head of my "better half" buy, in the light of this monstrosity that accompanied them, withdrew irrevocably.

For my part I had to admit, so, unable to determine the style, could be expensive.

But, continued in my head, went to lunch, and every morsel that brought me to the mouth, dazzled me flashes of the Bauhaus, and with each drink, the feeling of drinking arena, we have when is at the tip of the tongue, something we refuse to be revealed.

homecoming went to the Internet. And in no time we solved the mystery.

It was the great Harry Bertoia chairs, those of which said: " If you look at these chairs are mostly made of air, like sculpture. Space passes through them. "

There, my husband felt he had made a club. But it was too late.

A chair Bertoia, to meet at auction, it costs half of what they asked for four. And, central, beyond price, are a work of art.

In short, the painted green, had not the faintest idea what I did ... and I do I know I would have been great in my garden.

What I wonder is why men so little trust in the sure intuition of their women ...