Gonzalo Gamio Gehri
Identification injustice of active and passive recognition of injustice are ethical operations involve a provision for reflection and critical examination that allows citizens to remain alert to the weaknesses of the institutions and their representatives, but this hexis also lets you take vigilant and severe position regarding its own weaknesses in the control of political power and compliance with the requirements of justice. The engaged citizen knows that - as Hegel would say - there is no master without a slave, is aware that corruption and the injury of rights can only take place with the assistance of indifference or complicity of the agents.
In this sense, the anti-corruption initiatives that arise from the political system - the state itself and even political parties are in election race - are insufficient, although expression of true and viable proposals in practice if they do not cost the support of active citizenship. Indeed, state institutions need to formulate the conditions and rules to ensure transparency and probity in procurement, tendering and recruitment of people who exercise positions in the public sector. Similarly, Parliament is required in that members can monitor management authorities have chosen. We need public - as
This perspective returns us to some extent the concept former citizenship, which referred not only to "owner of rights" but strictly political agent. Aristotle held that the citizen ( polites ) was one that both governs and is governed [1] . It ruled because it obeys the rules they have established their representatives, and stood by the decisions that have been taken in the agora, the area of \u200b\u200bcommon discussion. But also participates in the government intervenes decisively in the process of election of officers and the public debates that have resulted in the enactment or repeal of laws and agreements on public policy. The city - even in the context of modern representative democracies - can become co-author of the law , can mobilize with others to introduce new issues into the public agenda, it can monitor and supervise the management of the authorities.
A strong sense of public deliberation requires common spaces, both within the political and civil society (universities, professional associations, unions, trade unions, NGOs, religious communities, etc.).. These scenarios allow rational consensus building on programs that expose issues of common interest. Consensus-building has often involves significant difficulties to overcome through persuasion and the exchange of arguments. Building consensus is a fundamental activity in a republic of citizens. However, the expression of dissent is a practice no less important in a free political system. In a despotic society who disagrees is diagnosed as a "patient with ideological problems" as a subject who is a victim of false or distorted doctrine, an individual must be "corrected" by the good of his mind or his soul, even against their will. Historical examples are legion (the Inquisition in medieval Christianity and Baroque, Fascist and Communist regimes, etc.).. In a democratic society, in contrast, who disagrees is an interlocutor in a dialogue about what is good and better for citizenship, is an individual who must be heard in appeals against the floor and expressed their dissent through channels legally established. Genuine democracy appreciates and promotes fair and peaceful expression of dissent.
As we know, corruption thrives where power is concentrated, where the city tends to behave as a mere subject, and complies with laissez-faire and pass "for the conduct of the authorities in the administration of the State. Often, people tend to focus our attention on the design and implementation of our plans deprived of life, or to deploy our capabilities in the world of work and family. That this area constitutes a genuine personal fulfillment is something which nobody doubts. However, completely neglecting our responsibility to what happens on the political scene has serious implications about the distribution of power in public life (see reflections Alessandro Caviglia in this direction). As Tocqueville noted in his day, Desertion of civic life implies that the share of power that corresponds to citizens fall into the hands of rulers and political career, a situation that adorns the banquet authoritarian and creates the conditions for corruption go unpunished. As is clear, none of this happens without the consent of the individuals themselves. The viewer's perspective helps to reproduce this deplorable situation, only if the community members assume the status of political actors, corruption and violation of fundamental rights can be effectively combated.
[1] See Policy 1277b 10.
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