Thursday, February 18, 2010

What To Write In Card Cancer

Exactly what are we to conclude? Mexico and its war

A reflection on the mistakes and successes that occurred in the processes of independence and revolution would be the most useful way to commemorate 1810 and 1910

The heart of the problem

Two centuries since the beginning of the struggle for independence A century and the beginning of the struggle to destroy an oligarchic dictatorship, is Clearly, both events did not bear fruit as expected, failed to steer Mexico on the path of a solid material and social development and fair. Celebration



According to his definition, holding means, among other things, to abandon the routine to honor, pay tribute or exalt people or special events by solemn ceremonies that seek to create public awareness about outstanding achievements. Clear that the term also supports the non solemn occasion for the general content.

Last week, the government of Felipe Calderón announced that he intends to carry out a celebration throughout the year to commemorate the Grito de Dolores 1810 and the call of Francisco I. Madero the general uprising on 20 November 1910. The contents of the official celebration will be, basically, 2 000 300 actions and events across the country. One such event will focus on a single day, will involve the massive participation of thousands of actors in the style of the inauguration of the Olympic Games and will cost $ 60 million (Proceso, 14 February). Looking

these official plans arises alternative approach: rather than celebrate the bicentenary dramatically and the centenary of the start of two dramatic and fierce popular events of default, the times should lead to festivities austere on one side and the other to a great reflection, this is where you should do the big thing-about the causes that finally led to the great collective energy unleashed by the events in 1810 and 1910 has not met expectations of those who initiated or with long-term promises of those who allegedly built a new order than destroyed. Celebrants



Although the current government is a right and, by definition, without sympathy for movements that seek to destroy the regime by force were established as 1810 and 1910, already set in motion the machinery celebration. However, it is unclear what the bulk Mexicans would like to hold, if they're in the mood to celebrate, and how they wanted to. According to a survey, 45.2 percent of the public was willing to recall two events alike, but a 40.5 percent showed a preference for independence and only 11 percent for the Revolution (Consulta Mitofsky, November 15, 2009) .

However, in relation to what Mexicans think about how and at what cost should be celebrated, no data. However, the nature of the times, poverty, unemployment, insecurity, political polarization, growing inequality, we may assume that it would be appropriate sober ceremonies and use of historical reflection to peer into the future. One hypothesis



The rebellion against English rule over Mexico resulted in an internal conflict of unprecedented scale, for three centuries the king's authority had been challenged on the scale and the strength that it was in 1810. Physical destruction and damage to the institutional structure were substantive. However, the union of convenience in 1821 of the forces in conflict to declare independence from Spain was that for a moment the mood that dominated the public sphere outside of optimism spilled over: free from bondage to Spain, the heterogeneous assumed leadership group that had just opened a bright future for the rich and new Mexican nation (Javier Ocampo, Las ideas a day, El Colegio de Mexico, 1969).

pointed optimism was short and soon the country, not consolidated as a nation, fell into internal conflict, was attacked on the outside and it was impossible to have a minimum of political stability that would allow a normal life. Donald Stevens systematized the indicators of such instability between 1825 and the beginning of the War of Reform in 1857 (Origins of Instability in Early Republican Mexico, Duke University Press, 1991). In 33 years there were 41 peasant rebellions, Tabasco had 50 governors, the Ministry of Finance cambió de manos 87 veces y 49 la jefatura del Poder Ejecutivo; en promedio, el ocupante del cargo apenas si duró 12.8 meses. La conclusión es inescapable: la independencia hizo que México pasara de ser una colonia exitosa -la más importante del imperio español en América- a ser un Estado fallido.

Falla de origen

Una explicación del gran fracaso del México independiente para constituirse en un Estado viable se tiene en la naturaleza del viejo orden. Un análisis comparado de las características de la colonización española y británica en América arroja mucha luz sobre ese problema. De acuerdo con el impresionante estudio de J. H. Elliot (Empires of the Atlantic World, Yale University Press, 2006), the original idea of \u200b\u200bthe British colonial enterprise in what is now the United States was simply reproduce what Spain had done before in Mexico: creating a colony of exploitation based on a precious metal mining and indigenous labor . However, the British never discovered deposits like those in Mexico and were never able to subdue the native population as the English and the Aztecs had to settle for shaping colonies of settlement based on the work of Europeans. This inability of English to become "conquerors" were forced to simply be "planters" (settlers). However, the original frustration became in a very positive thing when the 13 British colonies became the United States, since this type of colonization was found to be adequate preparation for shaping a successful state.

An article in the American Journal of Sociology (V. 111, No. 5, March 2006), Matthew Lange, James Mahoney and Matthias vom Hau developed a comparison between English and British colonialism and came to this conclusion: the differences in economic models implemented by the two cities are a fundamental factor to explain the fate of the colonies to become independent states. The English tended to impose a commercial business model in areas before colonization were already densely populated and with a significant development. In contrast, when the British colonized, too extensively, it was in areas with low population density of original and relatively simple development, but they implemented a liberal economic system. After independence the result of that difference was the reversal of the original features as mercantilist catchment areas with large native population and entered a stage of underdevelopment, while those headed liberal influence the development, to the point that one of them, the United States, it was a power at the end of the nineteenth century. Of course the difference in models economic and their respective sets of political, legal and cultural does not explain all the success or failure of the entire national stage, but a substantial part of that result. The lesson



From the standpoint of historical process, so this bicentennial of the beginning of the struggle for independence should lead us to understand is, among other things, that any change of regime, including that attempted just 10 , is an extraordinarily complicated undertaking because the legacy left by the old order may be a factor to aid or defeat the project for the future. Hence the enormous responsibility of the heads of the new.

In 1821 the best minds in the country that was born to unmask the magnitude of the challenge, because while the Americans had to consolidate what was done in the former New Spain had to be modified and substantially. The enormity of the problem exceeded the estimates and the imagination of those leading the new state and will soon be imposed group selfishness. In 2000 it was assumed that the "insurgents" had an "intellectual capacity installed" more than there was two centuries ago, but it was not and again run the risk of defeat the purpose of change. A great deal of comparing what happened from 1810 to current times would be a useful way to commemorate our origin as a modern nation. However, this reflection does not come from the official sector, should be carried outside. Three

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